USA & Türkiye Relations at Crossroads subject to the new POTUS

The upcoming Presidential election of the United States shall set up the tone, or revise some, in terms of the U.S.A.’s relations with multiple nations, and the one with Türkiye is at a crossroads. Experts argue that a Harris presidency could preserve the Joe Biden-installed status quo, while Trump’s return could at the least reignite long-dead dialogue on the Türkish-U.S. front.

The ties between the USA and Türkiye have transformed over the decades due to various factors including collaboration, tension, and readjustment. As two NATO members, their relationship is vital to managing various regional security threats, especially considering Türkiye’s geographical importance within the Middle East and Eurasia. Nonetheless, complications have arisen that need to be resolved through managing diplomacy vision due to differing foreign policy objectives where that has particularly been the case since the early 2000s.

This article will argue that the Historiography of the Cooperation between the United States and Türkiye appreciates the US-Türkiye relations in the 21st century, including defence cooperation, economic relations, and geopolitical relations.

Historical and Geopolitical Foundations

Ever since Türkiye became a NATO ally in 1952, its geographical position has played an important role in the US security interests. During the Cold War, for instance, Türkiye was vital in the attempt to prevent the spread of the Soviet Union and even today remains an important ally for the region. Incirlik Air Base, which is located in Türkiye, is a crucial base for the US military operations in Iraq and Syria as well as other operations in the Middle East. Türkiye has U.S. nuclear weapons based in its territory, highlighting its value as a security partner within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)​.

However, over the last two decades, Türkiye’s foreign policy has shifted. The country’s acquisition of the Russian S-400 missile defence system in 2019 led to its removal from the F-35 fighter jet program and subsequent U.S. sanctions. This event strained bilateral ties, exposing deeper fissures in how each country views their respective roles in regional conflicts, particularly in Syria. While U.S. officials emphasize the importance of maintaining Türkiye’s NATO commitment, Türkiye’s increasing engagement with non-Western powers, such as Russia and China, raises questions about its long-term alignment with the West​.

Bilateral Economic Relations

U.S. goods and services trade with the Republic of Türkiye totalled an estimated $42.0 billion in 2022. Exports were $19.4 billion; imports were $22.5 billion. The U.S. goods and services trade deficit with the Republic of Türkiye was $3.1 billion in 2022.

The top categories of U.S. exports to Turkey include aircraft, mineral fuels, iron and steel, machinery, optical and medical instruments.  The top import categories from Turkey include machinery, vehicles, carpets and other textile coverings, precious metals, and stone, plaster, and cement. Reported U.S. direct investment in Turkey is led by manufacturing, wholesale trade, and finance and insurance.

Diverging Interests in Syria and the Fight Against ISIS

Perhaps the most visible strain in U.S.-Türkiye relations has been their differing approaches in Syria. The U.S. has relied heavily on Kurdish forces to combat the Islamic State (ISIS) in northern Syria, viewing them as effective ground partners. Türkiye, however, considers these same forces—specifically the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) as an extension of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), a group it has long fought against due to separatist movements in Türkiye​.

Türkiye has carried out cross-border military operations to the north of Syria beginning in 2016, motivated by the desire to stop any potential separation of Kurdish populations along the borders of Türkiye, which Ankara considers a clear national security threat. This policy resulted in some conflict with U.S. policy, as the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which are supported by the U.S., included a militant wing called the YPG which was instrumental in the defeat of ISIS. The U.S. recognizes Türkiye’s concern over this situation but still seeks partnerships with the Syrian Kurds to achieve stabilization in the area, thus continuing to ‘walk on a political tightrope’.

The Controversies of S-400s and Defence Procurement Issues

Türkiye’s decision to buy Russian S-400 missile defence systems has triggered a significant crisis in the US-Türkiye relations. To the United States, this act threatens the cohesive defence systems based on the unity of allies that NATO has put in place. The deal to purchase S-400 systems, for instance, resulted in Türkiye’s exclusion from the F-35 program, a major aspect of military cooperation between the US and Türkiye. In 2020, the U. S. implemented section 235 of the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) against Türkiye which made things worse between the two countries.

The Geo-strategic Interests of Türkiye in the Conflict Between Russia and Ukraine

Implementations of the Multidimensional Diplomacy In the recent decades the relations of Türkiye with Russia have been seen as a mixture of competition and collaboration. On the one, energy sources such as natural gas are making Türkiye dependent on Russia but on the other hand, it has also taken measures to combat the Russian influence particularly in the Black Sea and in Ukraine. After beginning military operations in Ukraine in 2022, Türkiye chose a path of active mediation contributing to the establishment of a vital grain export regime via the Black Sea and providing military support towards Ukraine through, for example, Turkish drone sales.

Simultaneously, Türkiye has avoided being a part of the Western-imposed restrictions on Russia, thereby sustaining its economic relations. This carefully managed activity enables Türkiye to safeguard her diplomatic room for manoeuvre, while at the same time encompassing a larger role in the mediation of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. While welcoming Turkish initiatives against Russia in the Black Sea and support for Ukraine’s defence, the US worries over Türkiye’s unwillingness to sever relations with Russia more decisively.

Economic Connections: Partnership in Despite the Inclined Relationships

Trade, which is usually a culprit of war, in the case of U.S.- Türkiye relations makes up a mitigating phenomenon. The bilateral trade exceeded thirty-four billion dollars in 2022, and both countries are willing to raise it to one hundred billion dollars in a couple of years. The US occupies an important place in Türkiye’s international trade, though her economic relations with the European Union are far more developed​.

When high inflation and economic instability within Türkiye skyrocket the ratios, the manufacturing base does not struggle due to strong performance underpinned by a customs union with the EU. At the same time, Türkiye seeks and forges additional trade alliances with the countries of the Middle East and Gulf region, facilitated by active engagement in major infrastructure projects and defence industry exports to these regions. A healthy level of the finance’s outflow into Türkiye is supported by a cautious stance from the U.S. concerning the fact that Türkiye seeks to build strong economic ties with China and Russia respectively.

Concerns about Human Rights and Democratic Governance

The other crucial aspect of overturning the U.S.–Türkiye relationship is the level of democracy and respect for human rights in Türkiye. The rule of President Tayyip Erdogan has expanded to extreme authoritarian levels, particularly following the failed coup in 2016, to the disapproval of Western countries. Erdogan’s drift into dictatorial tendencies, which include but are not limited to purging opposition leaders, the press, and civil organizations, has caused panic as far as democracy in Türkiye is concerned.

The U.S. government has joined the European Union in decrying the deterioration of civil rights, liberties, and the rule of law in Türkiye. And even though the Turkish president still enjoys considerable public support, particularly among the nationalists and conservatives, the recent wins of the opposition in key cities such as Istanbul and Ankara, demonstrated a dissatisfaction towards the president by the public. Turkish human rights record has been braved, in arms sales and other cooperation, by U.S. lawmakers at one time or the other.

The Future of U.S.-Türkiye Relations

On the one hand, the relationship between the United States and Türkiye is characterized by ongoing tension and, on the other, by cooperation. The two NATO allies, having shared common concerns in the fields of security, defence, and to some degree, trade, are still united. However, different attitudes towards problems such as Türkiye’s stance towards Russia, its stand on the Syrian conflict, or domestic politics are elements of the problem.

The U.S. and Türkiye also face this delicate situation, considering the fact that these two countries remain influential in the new multipolar world. Quite a number of measures will need to be used in plugging this long-existing but changing relation, particularly in defence procurement differences and all matters of mobility as well as human rights issues.

Author

  • Manasi Kothiwale is an undergrad student at the Gokhale Institute and aspiring product manager. Along with a multitude of inclinations across market research, user behaviour and customer analytics, she brings a host of unique perspectives to her analyses.

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